Peace prevails where rights are observed

By Frederick Fussi

Election fraud, which is as old as democracy itself, comes in many forms and so do efforts to curb them.

Empirical evidence dating back to Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King’s era shows that nonviolent resistance is among effective means of rooting out injustice.

Nonviolent techniques applied elsewhere have proved to be an ultimate solution for not only election fraud, but also other belated basic rights where other means have failed.

Police  allegedly hitting an innocent journalist Mwangosi

One local politician concluded recently, albeit not officially, that this country’s cherished ‘peace and tranquility are the fruit of rights’. Wherever basic rights are denied, according to him, peace never prevails.

The existing peace and tranquility in this country reflects how people voted in power were accountable to the electorate and provide basic rights.

The growing nonviolent protests and disregard for law is evidence that leaders infringe on the rights of the people.

Those in power appear arrogant, as they enjoy benefits that come with the posts including lucrative salaries, allowances, gratuity and health insurance.

They forget their obligation to meet demands of other people including civil servants with peanut monthly wages which are not guaranteed.

This was the case during the Tsar Nicholas’ absolute reign in Russia between 1901 and 1951 when the regime denied industrial labourers of their rightful wages.

Workers from different factories in Russia, for instance, enlisted their demands in May 1903 including increased the eight-hour day wage, maternity leave and the freedoms of speech and assembly.

The demands for improved perks among medical doctors and teachers lead analysts to wonder if the government accords due priority to the two professions which directly deal with the human life.

Save for Tanzania where allocations for the sector kept on dwindling year after year, increasing health and education budgets is an obligation elsewhere.

Public declining spending on health and education in recent years has been rapidly declined, according to Policy Forum and Hakielimu.

Funds allocated for the two key sectors had decreased from 20 per cent to 17 per cent of the national Budget during the 2008/09 fiscal year.

Going by the national Budget trend in the last five years, the health and education sectors’ estimates will keep on nose diving each year.

Massive failures in the results of last year’s Form Four national examinations reflect ignored rights of students and teachers. Over 65 per cent of the finalists failed the examinations.

As a song of a renowned artiste Mbaraka Mwenshehe says ‘money is a heart’s lubricant’, a Member of Parliament taking home about Sh2 million a month at the moment should be more satisfied and have a peace mind than a teacher posted in the rural areas.

Field Force Unit ready for anti-riot mission

Although the teachers’ attempt to strike was foiled last year, they somehow managed through their nonviolent approach to express their lack of peace of mind resulting from meagre wages and belated payment of their allowances.

When the government uses what it terms as ‘reasonable power’ to tame nonviolent boycotts and demonstrations against civil servants, it also spoils the morale at workplaces and sets the mood for violence to break out.

The best way for the government to quell nonviolent conflicts involving teachers, health workers and students would be employing diplomacy instead of force.

As long as the rights delayed are the rights denied, the lasting solution for nonviolent conflicts would be meeting the civil servants’ realistic and achievable demands.

This article was also published in the most read news paper in Tanzania, The Citizen on Wednesday  6 March 2013. Click here to view it

Let’s get our ethics right first, then we’ll talk about Katiba

By Frederick Fussi

Chairperson of the Commission for New Constitution Judge. J.Warioba

Dar es Salaam. 

A leading scholarly and political argument as to why Tanzanians need a new Constitution is that, when the current Mother Law was created, most people did not participate in the process of writing it. The perspective of people’s participation has dominated most debates.

The need for a new Mother Law and the leading argument for its discourse ended up demanding massive people’s participation in the process. Democratically, this is correct. However, technically this view is wrong.

It is wrong because the weakness of lack of popular people’s participation cannot override the issue of shortfalls in the Mother Law itself, particularly in the area of autonomous power of the president to make decisions like appointment of key officials such as the Controller and Auditor General (CAG) and Commissioner of Public Leadership Ethics Secretariat.

A Tanzanian Citizen

 For democratic purposes, it’s appropriate and relevant to have a new Constitution that provides fundamental guidelines for governing the country’s affairs. The new Constitution should guarantee an independent electoral commission that would oversee free and fair elections, among other things.

The pressing issue of ethics in public leadership is crucial for a democratic country. Tanzania should have ensured an effective framework for public leadership ethics before embarking on the exercise of writing a new Constitution.

What is being done now is  vice versa, we have started with the new Constitution and nothing substantial has been done yet on adopting public leadership ethics.

This raises doubts whether the new Constitution will work effectively because good governance is crucial to effectiveness of any law.

A constitution is merely a law, while ethics go beyond the premise of legislation. You may have very good laws, but lack of appropriate personal values can be a problem in putting statutes to effect. I will give an example on compliance with laws versus a person who observes ethics and a person who doesn’t.

Complying with the law is not a matter of the law itself; it’s a matter of an official responsibly observing ethics by upholding principles of natural justice.

Unethical individual would not comply with laws. For instance, procurement in a municipal council would end up unjustly benefiting officials who oversee the tendering process.

In his 2010 annual report of financial statements by local government authorities, the CAG commented, “My general statement is that, the status of compliance with the Public Procurement Legislations learned from the transactions tested as part of my audits is still not satisfactory as far as the legal requirements are concerned.”

Therefore, compliance with laws requires ethical people. The magnitude and impact of our unethical problem has been widely realised that’s why there is an urgent need to address it in the new Constitution. 

In a recent study done by Twaweza, it was reported that in Dar es Salaam, one out of five residents pay bribes when seeking healthcare services in public facilities.

Soliciting or receiving bribes has become common among Tanzanians. This unethical tendency is one of the national catastrophes, yet it doesn’t feature among serious matters in most debates in the process of making the new Constitution. 

In its 2012 East Africa Bribery Index, Transparency International (TI) identified ten prominent service rendering sectors which are leading in bribery.

The sectors include, police, judiciary, city and local councils, land services, medical services, regional administration, educational institutions, registry and licensing services, utilities (water, electricity and postal services), and tax services.

The police and the judiciary ranked as the most bribery institutions in the country. However, it is important to highlight that the Police Force score was almost twice as much higher than that of the Judiciary.

This article was also published in the most read news paper in Tanzania, The Citizen on Sunday 3 march 2013. Click here to view it

The author is the executive secretary of Tanzania Youth Vision Association [TYVA].

Successful Nonviolent Conflict can protect voter’s votes during elections!

Sealing the ballot can to protect fraud

By Frederick Fussi.

Votes are normally used to put our leaders on power, for members of parliament to acquire parliamentary seats and the head of state and government to acquire his statesmanship seat in the state house. This process ought to be free and fair but there are some circumstances that lead the incumbent politicians of the so said seats to manipulate the voice of votes and immorally plots on distorting the results of the votes intended to put in power accountable and responsible leaders.

The manipulation of votes to distort the genuine results is what pushed me to write my experience and other oberseved experience on how nonviolent conflict worked to protect the voter’s votes in some constituencies during the 2010 General Elections in Tanzania.

Nonviolent conflict can be understood in various dimensions and circumstances in which it is aimed to be applied upon. For this case the nonviolent concept will be drawn from the definition provided by International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). Thus nonviolent conflict is defined as a powerful way for people to fight for their rights, freedom, justice, self-determination and accountable government.

Voters protesting for results in a nonviolent conflict way

For this case, on protecting the votes we can view the nonviolent conflict as a powerful way that had worked immensely during the 2010 General Election more than any other times of multi-party democracy in Tanzania. For instance in constituencies like Ubungo, Ilemela, Nyamagana,  Kahama, Arusha, Busanda and Tarime, voters decided to wage a nonviolent struggle to protect their votes against manipulations from the allegedly puppets of the ruling party and in some instances allegedly traitors of democracy within the electoral administration in Tanzania. (Refer to the news of the Citizen, on Tuesday, 02 November 2010 with a title, “Chaos reign as NEC delay poll results”)

The so called, chaos of elections are results of unreasonable use of excessive power by the state cohesive apparatus mostly uses police to intimidate the intension of voters to protect their votes against manipulations, and consequently distort the intension which primarily and genuinely is aimed to be nonviolent but ends in chaos as the state interfere with a weak argument of ensuring peace and order but surprisingly the nonviolent strategy normally co-exist within peace and order, and this had been observed not only in Tanzania but even other parts of the world!

The magnitude of the nonviolent conflict over protection of the votes had not been the same as compared to elections in 1995, 2000 and 2005 were few parliamentary seats were won by the opposition as the result of failure to wage a successful nonviolent conflict to protect the votes.

It has been observed that at all constituencies where the opposition won the parliamentary seats excessive voters nonviolent conflict occurred. Perhaps, this is right strategy that if well prepared, planned, organized and effectively practiced during elections can be used by opposition to acquire even the post of head of the state and government if at all it has proven success to acquire more parliamentary seats. At areas where nonviolent conflict on protecting votes was not applied the opposition did not win as well.

This is a sign and manifestation of the fact that there are great injustices done over the people’s rights to choose their preferred leaders, thus an agenda for free and fair election can bring together a powerful nonviolent struggle that can widely and countrywide promote true democracy.

Based on the experience of opposition won constituencies at the 2010 General Elections, as we advocate for voters solidarity to protect their rights and obtain justice for the true free and fair election, a nonviolent conflict is the only solution and a right time strategy ahead to bring hope of peaceful power exchange in Tanzania. This is possible and it can be done, play your role as a responsible citizen.

This article was also published by the CITIZEN ON SUNDAY on 17 Feb 2013, Click here to view it

Msingi wa hoja ya Zito katika urejeshwaji wa Mabilioni ya Uswisi na hatua za awali za kichunguzi (Pre-Investigation)

Na Frederick Fussi

Kitabu Kinachoelezea Wezi wa  fedha na Mali
zilizoibiwa na kufichwa nchi za nje

Miezi ya hivi karibuni ndugu Zito Kabwe akiwa kama mbunge na mkereketwa wa masuala ya rushwa aliibua hoja ya ureshwaji ya mabilioni ya Uswisi ambayo taarifa za awali za kichunguzi zinaonesha kuwa mabilioni hayo yalipatikana kwa njia zisizo halali ikiwamo kula rushwa katika upitishwaji wa zabuni serekalini na kuingia mikataba na wawekezaji kutoka nje ya nchi.

Kufahamu jambo hili kwa kina unaweza kurejea hoja binafsi ya Zito Kabwe aliyoiwasilisha bungeni tarehe 8 Novemba 2012 akitaka bunge liunde Kamati maalumu ya uchunguzi ili iweze kubaini nani wanaomiliki mabilioni yaliyofichwa katika mabenki nchini Uswisi na visiwa vingine kama New Jersey na nchi za Uingereza, Ufaransa na kwingineko.

Ikumbukwe kuwa suala la urejeshwaji wa mabilioni ya Uswisi ama kwa Kitaalamu linavyojulikana kama (Asset Recovery) ni jambo geni hapa nchini Tanzania. Hivyo linahitaji mjadala mpana wa kitaalamu ili kusaidia umma wa Watanzania kulifahamu kwa undani na kwa wepesi zaidi.

Msingi wa hoja ya Zito pale bungeni ilikuwa ni kulitumia bunge ambalo ni chombo cha wawakilishi kisheria kulitaka kufanya maamuzi ya kuunda kamati maalumu ya Bunge itakayofanya uchunguzi na na hatimaye Bunge kuielekeza serikali kuchukua hatua dhidi ya raia wa Tanzania walioficha fedha na mali haramu nje ya nchi.

Tunapofikia hatua bunge linatumika na kuombwa kuunda chombo cha kufanya uchunguzi inadhihirishwa kuwa mifumo ya kiserikali ya kufanya uchunguzi dhidi ya rushwa ina dosari, au haiminiki, ama haitimizi majukumu yake, ama haina uwezo (lack of capacity) wa kulifuatilia suala hili ama taasisi hizo zinaingiliwa uhuru wake na serikali ama serikali yenyewe kuwa ujumla imekosa utashi wa kisiasa (Political will) kutaka fedha hizo zirejeshwe. Ukweli huu unatokana na majibu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali bungeni baada ya Zito kumaliza kuwasilisha hoja yake. Kufahamu undani wa majibu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa serikali fuatilia taarifa za majadiliano ya bunge (Hansard) ya mkutano wa tisa-kikao cha nane kilichofanyika tarehe 8  na 9 Novemba 2012.

Katika sehemu ya majibu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa serikali alitoa taarifa juu ya hatua zilizochukuliwa na serikali kutaka kupata majina ya raia wa Tanzania walioficha fedha nchini Uswisi huku akitumia udhaifu wa sheria ya Uswisi kuonesha kuwa serikali ya Tanzania iliishia hapo na baada ya kuzipatia taarifa hizo alizipeleka kwenye taasisi za ndani za kichunguzi ikiwemo TAKUKURU na Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) ya Tanzania. Udhaifu wa kisheria uliotumiwa na mwanasheria mkuu wa Serikali ni pale alipokuwa akinukuu sheria ya Uswisi akisema “Tukaambiwa mamlaka ile inayofanana na yangu haiwezi kuruhusu uvuaji yaani fishing ya taarifa hizo kwa sababu hilo ni jambo ambalo linahusu nchi nyingine hatuwezi kuwapeleka gerezani”. Aidha inatambulika kuwa majibu kama haya aliyopewa Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali ya Tanzania pia yamewahi kutolewa kwa nchi nyingine kama Nigeria na Ufilipino ambazo kwa kuwa wao hakujali majibu hayo ya serikali ya Uswisi na waliamua kufanya uchunguzi wa kina kupitia taarifa zao za awali kama hizi zilizoibuliwa na Zito na hatimaye fedha zilizoibiwa zilirejeshwa kwao. Mfano Ufilipino ilifanikiwa kurejesha Dola za kimarekani milioni 684 mwaka 2003 zilizoficha nchini Uswisi na aliyewahi kuwa Rais wa Ufilipino Ndugu Ferdinand Marcos na Nigeria ilifanikiwa kurejesha Dola za Kimarekani milioni 700 ambazo ni sehemu tu ya Dola Bilioni 4 zilizofichwa nje ya nchi na aliyewahi kuwa Rais wa Nigeria, ndugu Sani Abacha.

Sehemu ya hoja ya Zito inatoa taarifa kuwa jumla ya Dola za Kimarekani Milioni 192 ambazo ni sawa na zaidi ya bilioni 314 za Kitanzania ambazo zinasadikiwa kupatikana kwa njia za rushwa zimefichwa na raia wa Tanzania katika mabenki nchini Uswisi.  

Hoja hiyo imesheheni taarifa nyingi za kichunguzi za awali ikiwa ni pamoja na uhusiano kati ya pesa hizo na zabuni zilizowahi kufanywa na serikali kati ya mwaka 2003 na 2008 ambapo inasadikiwa kuwa wanasiasa na watendaji wa serikali “Political Exposed Personalities” walioitumikia serikali katika kipindi hicho walionekana kutunza mabilioni katika akaunti zao nje ya nchi. Uchunguzi wa pesa hizo ndio njia pekee ya kutambua kuwa pesa hizo ni halali ama si halali na baadaye kufanikisha kuzirudisha nchini ili zitumike kwa manufaa ya kijamii.

Urejeshwaji wa fedha haramu na mali za Watanzania zilizopatikana kwa njia za rushwa hauwezi kufanikiwa pasipo kufanyika uchunguzi wa kina ili kubaini Watanzania wenye pesa halali zilizofichwa katika mabenki nje ya nchi na wale wasiokuwa na pesa halali ambazo kimsingi ziliibwa kwa njia ya kupokea rushwa na  wanasiasa na watendaji wa serikali.

Hatua tuliyopo sasa ni hatua za uchunguzi wa awali. Uchunguzi wa awali uliofanywa mpaka sasa haujafanywa na serikali bali umefanywa na watu binafsi (Private Individuals) wenye kuitakia mema Tanzania. Hoja hii ni hoja ya Kitaifa na inapaswa kupewa msukumo wa kitaifa kwa wadau wengine amabao sio sehemu ya serikali (Non state actors).

Non state actors hasa asasi za kirai zinapaswa kuunganisha nguvu ili kufanikisha hatua za awali za kiuchunguzi na hatimaye kuwaelimisha wananchi juu ya sakata hili na kuinyima serikali usingizi kwa kuendelea kuishawishi na kuisukuma serikali kujiingiza katika hatua zinazofuata ili hatua stahiki zichukuliwe na fedha zilizoibiwa(Stollen Assets) zirejeshwe nchini. Kwa kuwa serikali inayosubiri wananchi waipelekee majina ya Watanzania walioficha mabilioni katika mabenki nje ya nchi ni serikali isiyoonesha nia ya dhati ya kupambana na rushwa na ufisadi hivyo inapaswa kuamshwa usingizini na kuendelea kuinyima usingizi kila inapoonesha dalili za kulala tena katika suala hili.

Bunge kwa namna yake limehusika katika sakata hili la urejeshwaji wa hayo mabilioni. Bunge lilitoa maazimio kuwa serikali ilishughulikie suala hilo kwa njia zake. Hivyo bunge limejitoa kabisa katika sakati hili wakati ambapo Serikali haioneshi utashi wa kisiasa katika kufanikisha hatua za awali za kichunguzi ili kusaidia pesa hizo zirejeshwe.  Serikali inafanya hivi kwa kuweka usiri katika shughuli zake za kiuchunguzi lakini imejitega kwa ahadi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali kutoa taarifa za uchunguzi huo katika Mkutano wa Kumi na moja.

Ikumbukwe kuwa katika hoja hii Watanzania hawataki tu urejeshwaji wa fedha za Uswisi bali kuna fedha katika nchi nyingine kama Uingereza, Ufaransa, visiwa vya New Jersey, Dubai na kwingineko ambako fedha zinazosadikiwa kupatikana kwa njia za rushwa zimefichwa na raia wa Tanzania wengi wao wakiaminika kuwa wanasiasa waandamizi na watendaji wa Serikali kuanzia mwaka 2003 mpaka 2010. 

Hivyo basi uchunguzi ndio njia pekee ya kufanikisha kubaini na kurejesha mabilioni yote yalioibiwa na viongozi wa Kisiasa na watendaji wa Serikali. Lakini hata hivyo bado tupo katika hatua za uchunguzi wa awali  ambao hufanikishwa na watoa taarifa mbalimbali za masuala ya inteligensia ya fedha (Financial Intelligence) na kujengewa hoja chokonozi na wachambuzi wa masuala kama tunavyofanya hapa. Hatua hii ni muhimu sana hasa katika kujenga uelewa kwa umma na kwa serikali kuwa kuwa jambo hili la mchakato wa kurejesha “Stollen Assets” ni jambo jipya nchini.

Taasisi ya nchini Uswisi, Besel Institute on Governance kupitia kituo chake cha urejeshaji wa fedha zilizoibiwa(International Centre for Asset Recovery) inatoa msaada wa kujenga uwezo na kutoa elimu zaidi juu ya hatua kwa hatua mpaka kufanikisha urejeshaji wa fedha zilizoibiwa. Kwa mujibu wa taasisi hiyo ambayo ina uzoefu na wataalamu waliobobea katika fani ya urejeshaji wa pesa zilizoibiwa inaelezea hatua zaidi za kufuatwa ilikiwa ni pamoja na uchunguzi wa awali (Pre-Investigation), Uchunguzi wenyewe (Investigation), Kupeleka kesi mahakamani ili haki ipatikane(Prosecution) na mwisho urejeshwaji wa fedha zilizoibiwa (Repatriation of stolen Assets).

Hatua tuliyopo sisi hapa nchini petu Tanzania ni hatua ya kwanza kabisa ambayo ni ya uchunguzi wa awali. Uchunguzi huu mara nyingi haufanywi na serikali bali hufanywa na raia wenye kukereketwa na ufisadi, wizi wa mali za umma, dhuluma na wasiopenda utawala wa rushwa. Mpaka sasa hatua hii hatujaifanyia haki kwa kuwa watu binafsi (Individuals) na asasi za kiraia hawajajikita katika kutaka kulifahamu suala hili kwa undani, kulifanyia uchambuzi na uchunguzi vilevile ili kuendelea kujenga hoja zitakazoilazimisha serikali kuingia yenyewe pasipo kutarajia katika hatua ya pili za zote zinazofuata.

Hatua hii ya awali ya uchunguzi inahitaji mshikamano wa kudumu (Sustainable Initiative) ili kuhamia (transition) katika hatua zinazofuata. Hatua hii inahusisha pia kutambua majina ya raia wa Tanzania wenye akaunti zinazotunza mabilioni nje ya nchi. Pia inahusishwa ukusanyaji wa taarifa za fedha za kiintelijensia (intelligence gathering). Ukusanyaji wa taarifa hizi utasaidia waandishi wa habari na wachambuzi wa masuala kuandika makala na habari za kichunguzi za kutosha na hatimaye kutengeneza chanzo huru cha taarifa (Open source database). Hili likifanikiwa serikali itake isitake italazimika kuingia yenyewe katika hatua zinazofuata pamoja na kuwa inadai kuwa imeshaanza uchunguzi wake.  Katika makala ijayo tutachambua kwa kina hatua zinazofuata.

After 3rd GYAC Forum and 15th IACC: Localizing connected efforts for agents of change to end corruption at grass root level in Tanzania

The 3^rd GYAC Forum in Brasilia, Brazil which was attended by more than 100 youth from 49 countries in the world was an amazing platform for me to supplement the work done back at home against corruption through the ripotirushwa project. The WBI CAP support to ripotirushwa had been a cornerstone to enable our grass root efforts to fight corruption in public health facilities in Dar es Salaam.

Frederick speaking at the 3rd GYAC Forum

Lawrence, Dumisani, Frederick & a Brazilian friend

We have set a very strong infrastructure of ICT to enable citizen to report corruption as they access public health facilities. The infrastructure gives us more strength to re-organize ourselves to fight the increased corruption in Tanzania public health. With a recent issued study by twaweza it is estimated that one out five residents of Dar es Salaam pay bribe when they access public health facilities. Yet very few of them report (about 11 percent as per East Africa Bribery Index, 2012) to anti-corruption authorities in the country where most of them believe that even if they report nothing will be done to work on their reported corruption incidents.

The Global Coordinating Body of GYAC in a panel

With regard to my participation in the 3^rd GYAC Forum and later the 15^th IACC I realized that corruption fighters all over the world use various strategies to fight corruption and over time gain successful results. Our project www.ripotirushwa.or.tz got challenged especially over its strategies that engage grass root citizen to end corruption. One of the challenges that were obtained from the 3^rd GYAC breakout sessions on African region is that, we need to work on changing the mind-set of some people in Africa and Tanzania in particular who believe bribery or corruption is way of life in Africa and nothing could change it.

Participants in the 15th IACC

The 3^rd GYAC Forum in Brasilia had opened up another chapter for www.ripotirushwa.or.tz  to adopt new strategies acquired from the forum to localize the connected efforts and fight corruption with a view of educating, raising awareness and engage more civilian actors to fight petty corruption at grass root level in Dar es Salaam and Tanzania in particular.

At the 3^rd GYAC Forum I met an anti-corruption youth expert from Zimbabwe, Dumisani who was inspired with the work done by www.ripotirushwa.or.tz He promised to take a similar initiative back in Zimbabwe and extend his efforts learning more from our project to make his more effective. This was one of the success stories that keep our work awakening to work hard as we are determined to be inspirational role models for other anti-corruption youth activist across the world. 

The 15^th IACC with its more than 1,900 participants from all over the world had created our www.ripotirushwa.or.tz  project a wide useful network of similar actors who uses ICT to curb corruption in the world. A good example is the www.theengineroom.org contact person, Sussanah Vila and many more others. 

Frederick & Peter Eigen at the 15th IACC

Lawrence & Frederick at 15th IACC

Having met the brain behind Transparency International (TI) Peter Eigen at the 15^th IACC had brought not only we who participated but the whole GYAC Network to other opportunities on enhancing our knowledge and skills on governance and transparency. All these opportunities with my view have to be localized in order to bring the change we want to see at grass root. After the 3^rd GYAC Forum and the 15^th IACC we are looking forward to prepare a short workshop as the follow up activity to share the lesson learnt as we localizing our connected efforts to end corruption at grass root level in Tanzania.

KATIBA MPYA NA MATUMIZI YA MITANDAO YA KIJAMII

Na, Frederick Eddie Fussi

Mpaka mwaka 2011 tarehe 31 Desemba Bara la Afrika linakadiriwa kuwa na zaidi ya watumiaji 139 milion  wa Mtandao wa internet (wavuti) kati ya raia wake wote bilioni 1 wanaokadiriwa kuishi ndani ya bara hili ambalo ni la pili kwa kuwa na watu wengi duniani likilifuata bara la Asia ambalo linakadiriwa kuwa na watu wapatao bilioni 3.8

Wakati huohuo zaidi ya asilimia 50 ya watu wote wanaoishi barani Afrika wanatajwa kuwa ni vijana na zaidi ya yote nchini Tanzania zaidi ya asilimia 30 ya watu wote ni vijana kati ya umri wa miaka 18 na 35 kundi kubwa ambalo ndani yake kuna watumiaji wengi wa internet na mitandao ya kijamii kwa upana wake.

Takwimu zilizotolewa hivi karibuni na TCRA (Mamlaka ya Kuratibu Mawasiliano Tanzania) zinaonyesha matumizi ya internet hapa Tanzania mpaka mwezi Juni 2010 ni asilimia 99 ya wanakaya/mtu mmoja mmoja wapatao 483,204 ambao hawa wote ndio hujishughulisha na matumizi ya internet. Pamoja na hayo hakuna tafiti zinazojishughulisha kusema hasa matumizi ya internet yameisaidiaje Tanzania katika nyanja mbalimbali za kimaendeleo mintarifu hili la kuandika Katiba Mpya ya Tanzania. Lakini hapana shaka yapo mabadiliko yanayotokana na matumizi hayo ya internet hapa nchini. Pia tunaweza kukusudia kuitumia internet/mitandao ya kijamii kuandika katiba Mpya ya Tanzania.

Matumizi ya internet hapa nchini yamejikita katika kutuma na kupokea barua pepe hasa katika maofisi makubwa (iwe ni serikalini ama makampuni binafsi) na baadhi ya wafanyabiashara wakubwa na wadogo. Sehemu inyobakia ya watumiaji wa internet ni mahususi kwa ajili ya mawasiliano ya tovuti na blogu ikiwa ni pamoja na matumizi wa mitandao ya kijamii kama Facebook, Skype, Twitter na Youtube.

Matumizi  ya mitandao ya kijamii ya Facebook, Skype, Twitter na YouTube siku za hivi karibuni yamekithiri sana miongoni mwa vijana hapa nchini, kati ya mitandao hiyo inayooonekana kupendwa zaidi ama kutumiwa na watu wengi ama kuvutia watumiaji wengi kupashana habari ni mtandao wa Facebook. Twitter inaonekana kuvutia vijana wachache ambao kwa maoni yangu wanaonekana kuwa makini (serious minded people).Leo sitazungumzia twitter sana bali facebook.

Ufundi wa kutumia Facebook na Twitter kuweka ujumbe unatofautiana na hii inaweza ikawa sababu kubwa ya kwanini watumiaji wengi wa Facebook hawapendelei kutumia Twitter. Katika Facebook utatakiwa kuweka ujumbe kwa kadiri ya wingi wa maneno yako lakini hali kwa Twitter ni tofauti sana, utatakiwa kuweka ujumbe mfupi, unaoleweka na unapewa nafasi ndogo kuuwasilisha ujumbe wako kwa umakini wa hali ya juu.

Matumizi ya Skype na YouTube mara nyingi huonekana kutumiwa aidha na watu walioko ng’ambo ya nchi kuwasiliana na ndugu zao na marafiki kwa kupitia mawasiliano ya sauti ama mawasiliano ya video fupi (video clip). Matumizi ya mitandao hii miwili hapa nchini kwa sasa haijashika kasi ukilinganisha na nchi za jirani kama Kenya, Uganda na Afrika ya Kusini.

Sehemu kubwa ya matumizi ya mtandao wa Facebook kwa mfano hayajaonekana kuwa ya kimalengo.(Objective or rational). Matumizi hayo kwa hapa Tanzania ni kama sehemu ya kusalimiana na marafaki, kutaniana na kujenga mahusiano ambayo hata hivyo siyo ya msingi sana.Sehemu kubwa ya mijadala ya facebook kwa sasa ni mizaha tupu!Hali hii inatilia mashaka juu ya aina ya watu Watakoishi Tanzania ya kesho.

Ikiwa hii pekee haitoshi, huenda Watanzania watakuwa wamelala usingizi au ni ujinga wa kutojua namna bora ya kuleta maendeleo na mabadiliko ya haraka kupitia mitandao hii ya kijamii kama ilivyoonekana kwa baadhi ya nchi za Kaskazini mwa Afrika kama Tunisia na Misri.

Mabadiliko na maendeleo ya matumizi ya mitandao hii ya kijamii hasa Facebook inabidi yaanze kuonekana sasa. Nimezungumzia kuwa matumizi ya hivi sasa hayapo objective/rational. Nia yangu nitumie mfano rahisi wa uhitaji wa

Katiba Mpya ya Tanzania na kuelezea namna bora ya matumizi ya Mitandao ya kijamii ambayo ni objective/rational. Na endapo yakieleweka na kutumiwa na vijana wote kwa idadi yao kwa wale wanaotumia Facebook wanaweza kuwahamasisha na idadi ya vijana wasio watumiaji kwa pamoja kuandika katiba mpya kutokea Facebook.

Ieleweke kuwa sheria ya ya Tume ya Kuboresha Katiba Mpya ya Tanzania imeundwa na bunge na kupitishwa na Rais. Bunge linawawakilishi wetu ambao sehemu kubwa ya hao ni Chama Tawala CCM ambao tangu awali hawakuonekana kuunga mkono nia na hoja ya kuwa na Katiba Mpya mpaka waliposhinikizwa na kundi kubwa la wanaharakati nje ya bunge na wale wachache ndani ya bunge wakiongozwa na kambi rasmi ya upinzani bungeni chini ya CHADEMA.

Kupita mitandao ya kijamii hapa nazungumzia Facebook, vijana wanaweza kuubadilisha mchezo, badala ya mjadala na taratibu za kuandikwa kwa katiba Mpya kusimamiwa na sheria ambayo ilizua zengwe katika kujadiliwa kwakwe mpaka kupitishwa kwake na 

kutiliwa saini na Mhe. Rais, vijana wanaweza kubadilisha mchezo 

kwa kuwa wanatumia muda mwingi Facebook wakaamua kuitumia facebook kujadili mambo wanayotaka/wanayodhani kuwa ni muhimu yawepo ndani ya katiba mpya.

Tume imepewa mamlaka ya kisheria kuandika nakala ya kwanza(first draft) ya Katiba ili ipelekwe katika Constituent Assembly (Bunge Maalumu la Kikatiba) ijadiliwe na baadaye ipitishwe na Wananchi kwa njia ya kura ya maoni(Referendum).

Kimsingi, facebook inaweza kutumiwa na vijana na kuishawishi tume badala ya kutumia mabilioni ya shilingi kuzunguka nchi nzima kukusanya maoni basi waanze kukusanya maoni kwa njia ya mitandao ya kijamii endapo vijana wenyewe tunaotumia mitandao hii tutakuwa serious (makini). Uwezekano huo ni mkubwa. Kupita mijadala mikali ya facebook tunaweza kuishawishi Tume ya Jaji Warioba kufuatilia na kukusanya maoni yetu, hapana shaka tutaandika historia kwa katiba yetu kuandikwa kutokana na matumizi ya teknolojia ya habari na mawasiliano(TEHAMA).

Leo hii wanaopata fursa ya kwenda katika mikutano ya Tume kutoa maoni ni wachache sana ukilinganisha na wale wanaoingia Facebook kwa siku moja ambapo Facebook inakadiriwa kuwa na watumiaji 549,900 hapa Tanzania (hii ni kwa mujibu wa takwimu za matumizi ya Facebook Tanzania: http://www.socialbakers.com/facebook-statistics/tanzania).

Asilimia 1.31 ya Watanzania wote hutumia Facebook, kati ya hao takribani asilimia 81.35 ya watumiaji wote hao wanaitumia facebook kwa wingi zaidi. Hii wataalamu hiita (Penetration of online Popuation). Hii maana yake ni kuwa hiyo asilimia 1.31 ya watumiaji wote wa facebook hapa Tanzania wanatumia muda wao mwingi sana wakiwa ndani ya mtandao huu wa facebook. Hawa ni watu wanaojua kusoma na kuandika, wanaouwezo mzuri wa kufikiria ila ni wavivu kutambua fursa ya kuitumia facebook kushinikiza mabadiliko na mabadiliko hapa nazungumzia kaundika katiba mpya kupitia Facebook.

Sasa, shinikizo la mabadiliko ya Watanzania kupita facebook ndio pengine njia pekee ya kuisaidia Tume ya Jaji Warioba na pengine kuubadilisha mchezo wa Tume badala ya wao kuwafuata wananchi kule walipo na kuishia kuwasilikiza wananchi wasiozidi 100 kwa siku kwa nini wasije Facebook kuwasilikilza zaidi ya Watanzania laki 5 wanaotaka katiba yao iweje? Mpaka.

Rai yangu kwa leo ni kuwa tunaweza kuandika Katiba Mpya kupitia Facebook endapo tukaongeza umakini na kupanua mawazo yetu katika matumizi yetu ya facebook kwa siku. Wajanjwa wachache wamefanya mbinu za kutengeza utaratibu wa Tume kukusanya maoni wakijua kuwa sisi ni wavivu kupanga foloni za kusubiria kuongea wakati tume ikija, wakati mwingine mijadala yenyewe inakuwa boring, lakini tukitumia facebook ama mitandao mingine ya kijamii hatuhitaji kupanga foleni ya kusubiri kuongea mbele ya makamishna wa tume!

Mkakati wa sasa wa tume ya Jaji Warioba, pamoja na kuwa utaonekana ndio njia muafaka ya kuanza mchakato wa kuandika katiba Mpya bado vijana ambao ndio watumiaji wakubwa wa Mitandao ya Kijamii tunaweza kuitumia kubadilisha historia ya nchi yetu.

Katika toleo lijalo nitaelezea njia madhubuti za kutumia Facebook na mitandao mingine ya kijamii kuandika Katiba Mpya badala ya kutegemea Tume ya jaji Warioba ambayo kimsingi haina uwezo wa kufikia kila mwananchi ili atoe maoni yake. Ni rahisi kufanya ushawishi kutumia nyenzo hii.

Kwa sasa unaweza kutembelea blogu ya Asasi ya TYVA ambayo inaendesha mradi uitwao IJUE KATIBA, hapa http://ijuekatiba.wordpress.com/harakati-mtandaoni/ Vilevile unaweza kutembelea Ukuarasa wa IJUE KATIBA uliopo Facebook kupitia anuani hii: http://www.facebook.com/groups/214223971930520/

Katiba Mpya lazima tuiandike wenyewe, tumenyanyasika vya kutosha, tumenyonywa vya kutoshwa, sasa ni wakati wa mabadiliko ya kweli. Harakati ziendelee na njia pekee ya kuleta mabadiliko ni kutumia mtaji wetu wa akili ndani ya kundi kubwa la vijana wa sasa hapa kwetu Tanzania.

Frederick Fussi, ni mwanaharakati katika shirika la Vijana Tanzania Youth Vision Association(TYVA). 

MAONI YANGU KATIKA ENEO LA AJIRA MJADALA WA DIRA LEO

Asasi ya Dira ya Vijana nchini, (TYVA-Tanzania Youth Vision Association) Leo 26 Mei 2012 imefanya mjadala wa vijana hapa Arusha wenye lengo la kukusanya maoni ya vijana ili yaingizwe katika Katiba Mpya ya Tanzania.

Mada ya Mjadala huu inasema kuwa "Vijana na tunayoyataka ndani ya katiba mpya ya Tanzania". Vijana wanatoa maoni yao katika maeneo takribani kumi, ikiwemo, Baraza Huru la Taifa la Vijana, Ajira, Elimu, Afya, Michezo na Utamaduni, Ushiriki wa Vijana, Utawala Bora, Uchumi wa mtu mmoja mmoja, Vijana wenye ulemavu na Diplomasia ya Tanzania.

Kwa kuwa sikuwepo hapo ukumbini wakati mjada unaendelea, na kama kijana ninawajibika pengeni kusema nini maoni yangu. Kwa leo ningependa nitoe maoni yangu katika eneo la Ajira na namna ninavyotaka kama Mtanzania suala la ajira lilindweje na Katiba Mpya tunayoitarajia hivi karibuni. Maoni juu ya maeneo mengine nitaendelea kujatoa katika mijadala ijayo, pia kupitia safu hii. Leo kwa ufupi sana niseme hivi;-

Tatazo lilipo sera yetu ya viwanda ni butu sana katika kusimamia ajira hapa nchini. Nchi haina viwanda vya ndani vya kutosha kuweza kuzalisha ajira nyingi kwa idadi kubwa ya wananchi wa kawaida. Sehemu kubwa ya ajira leo Tanzania ambapo kila mwaka nchi inapokea graduates 700,000 katika soko la Ajira, ambapo wengi wao wanategemea kufanya the so called White Colar Jobs, sehemu kubwa ya wananchi inayobakia ni wale wasiokuwa na ujuzi ama wanaujuzi usiowatosheleza kupata kazi za ofisini.

Hawa ndio ilibidi Viwanda vya uzalishaji viwaajiri.Lakini hatuna viwanda(Semi Processing, Light and Heavy Industries) huku ukosefu wa ajira ukiendelea kuwa juu kwa asilimia 11 na ushehe! Tunataka katiba mpya iilazimishe nchi kuwa na uchumi unaoleweka na utakao leta ajira kwa usawa. Pia kwa kuanzia sera ya Viwanda iangaliwe upya ili iandane na uwiano wa idadi ya nguvu kazi ya Taifa ambayo wengi wao ni vijana ambao ni 65% of labour force ambayo hata hivyo haitumiki yote kwa kuwa Ajira hamna!