Uwezo wa kiongozi kuwafahamu watu wake ndio uwezo wa uongozi wake

Na Frederick Fussi. Dar es Salaam. 31 Julai 2013.Mbezi beach

Mnamo tarehe 24 Julai mpaka 26 Julai mwaka huu (2013) nilikuwa na vijana wenzangu kadhaa katika mafunzo ya Uongozi kwa Vijana (Young Leaders Training Programme).

Mafunzo haya yanayoandaliwa kila mwaka na Taasisi ya Kisiasa ya nchini Ujerumani ijulikanayo kama Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES)  yalifanyika katika kituo cha Mikutano Kibaha (Kibaha Conference Center)

Viongozi wengi hapa Tanzania wamewahi kupata mafunzo ya namna hii ya uongozi kutoka FES ambapo mafunzo hufanyika katika muktadha wa nchi husika na kuongozwa na muwezeshaji wa ndani ya nchi, mwenye uzoefu na aliyebobea katika masuala ya uongozi.

Moja kati ya mambo tuliyokuwa tukijifunza katika mafunzo haya ni sifa za uongozi ama unaweza kuziita sifa za kiongozi. Tulitaja sifa nyingi na kuzijadili ikiwa ni pamoja na uadilifu, kuwa mfano wa kuigwa, kuwa mwenye maarifa, kuwajibika, muwazi, kuwa na dira (visionary), ubunifu na sifa nyinginezo ambazo safu hii isingetosha kuzitaja.

Pamoja na sifa zote tulizojadili nimegundua kuwa  tulisahau kutaja sifa moja ambayo ni muhimu kiongozi akawa nayo. Sifa hii ni ile  ya uwezo wa kiongozi kuwafahamu watu wake.

Miaka ya hivi karibuni kutokana na kuongezeka kwa maarifa, taarifa na utandawazi sifa hii ya kiongozi kuwafahamu watu wake imeanza kutoweka miongoni mwa viongozi.

Kiongozi anaweza akatumia uwezo wake wa fedha akampatia kazi mtaalamu (Consultant) amsaidie kufanya uchambuzi wa masuala yahusuyo watu, lakini sio kwa kiongozi huyo kujibiidiisha kuwafahamu watu wake kwa undani.

Kuna tofauti kati ya kiongozi kuzungumzia masuala (issues) zinazowakabili watu na kiongozi kuwafahamu watu wake. Hapa sizungumzii ufahamu wa masuala bali nazungumzia sifa ya kuwajua watu wako kwa undani, kujua wanalaa katika nyumba ya aina gani, wanakula nini, shughuli zao ni zipi, kipato chao kipoje wanavaa nini na endapo wana usalama kwa kiwango gani.

Uelewa wa masuala (issue) unaotokana na rejea za vitabu, ripoti mbalimbali na wakati mwingine vyombo vya habari, huu huwa ni uelewa wa jumla jumla. Kiongozi anaweza kuchukua masuala ya jumla kisha akazungumzia athari za masuala hayo na baadhi ya wananchi wakampenda kwa umahiri wake wa kuelezea shida zao na suluhu za shida zao, akaishia hapo.

Wiki chache zilizopita tukiwa katika mafunzo haya haya ya uongozi tumekuwa tukizungumzia kwa jumla jumla juu ya tatizo la ukosefu wa ajira hapa nchini. Tulifanya rejea katika mada iliyowasilishwa na Dr. George Nangale chini ya kichwa cha habari “Nafasi ya nchi katika maendeleo ya uchumi: Changamoto za ajira Afrika Mashariki-mfano wa Tanzania”. Mada hii iliwasilishwa kwa mara ya kwanza tarehe 24-25 Septemba 2012 nchini Kenya, Nairobi katika mkutano wa sera za ajira za nchi washirika wa Afrika mashariki.

Rejea nyingine tulizofanya ni sera ya Taifa ya Ajira (2008) na rejea binafsi ambazo mimi nilifanya ni pamoja na Integrated Labour Force Survey, (2006). Uchambuzi wangu na mchango wangu katika mjadala ulilenga hasa katika tafsiri ya ajira kwa mujibu wa sera ya Taifa ya ajira.

Mchango wangu ukaegemea katika muktadha wa namna vijana wa hapa nchini wanaweza kujenga fursa za ajira katika kilimo. Msingi wa hoja yangu ulijengwa katika maana tatu za tafsiri ya ajira kwa mujibu wa sera ya Taifa ya ajira.

Sera hii inatambua ajira inakamilika yakiwapo mambo matatu, mosi ajira ni sharti iwe ni shughuli ya kisheria, pili iwe shughuli yenye staha na tatu iwe shughuli yenye kutengeneza kipato.

Nchini kwetu zipo sekta sita za ajira ikiwamo Serikali, mashirika ya umma, sekta binafsi, sekta isiyo rasmi, sekta ya kilimo na sekta ya kaya (household sector). Niling’amua kuwa sekta ya kilimo inaongoza kwa kutotimiza sharti la mwisho la tafsiri ya ajira, kama ilivyoelezewa na dira ya sera ya Taifa ya ajira (2008).

Sekta ya kilimo inaunda asilimia 74 ya watu 16milioni walioajiriwa nchini ambapo asilimia 0.0 pekee ndio hutengeneza kipato kutokana na kushughulika moja kwa moja katika kilimo.

Hoja yangu ikawa kuwa kwa kuwa kilimo kinaajiri sehemu kubwa ya watu waliokuwa katika ajira nchini kuna haja ya kuwepo mabadiliko ya kisera yatakayowezesha kilimo kitimize masharti yote matatu ya ajira (shughuli ya kisheria, yenye staha na inayozalisha kipato kwa wingi).

Tukiishia katika mabishano ya hoja katika mafunzo yetu ya viongozi, huenda hoja yangu ikawa na nguvu na ikawa ya maana. Ila udhaifu wa hoja hii ni kuwa hoja inajengwa na rejea ambazo zimelazimisha hoja kuwa ya jumla jumla na mabishano ya hoja baina yangu na viongozi wenzangu yasitoke nje ya mafunzo yetu ya uongozi.

Kama kiongozi nimeishia kujadili hoja jumla jumla, kiwango cha ufahamu wangu kitaishia katika ujumla jumla wa hoja endapo sitakuwa na juhudi za kufanya hoja yangu iwe ya reja reja (specific issue). Mfano nitakaotoa hapo chini kuhusu kijana Hussein mchuuzi wa korosho utatosha kuelezea namna ambavyo hoja yangu ilipaswa kuwa ya reja reja (specific issue) na pia ufahamu kuongezeka kwa kumfahamu kijana huyu aliyekatika ajira isiyorasmi (moja kati ya sekta sita za ajira hapa nchini).

Sasa uwezo wa kujenga hoja kwa namna ya reja reja inahitaji hiki ninachokiita “uwezo wa kiongozi kuwafahamu watu wake”.  Kila kiongozi katika eneo lake la uongozi analojukumu la kufahamu kwa undani watu wake, tabia zao na mienendo yao na endapo mienendo hiyo inausaidia uongozi kufanikisha dhima yake.

Jioni ya leo (31 Julai 2012) nilipokuwa nikirejea toka safari ya kikazi mjini Morogoro kuja jijini Dar es Salaam nilibahatika kukutana na kijana Hussein mchuuzi wa korosho. Korosho ni zao la kilimo hapa nchini  na pia Tanzania ni ya tatu duniani kwa kuzalisha korosho, na ya pili Afrika, wakati mauzo ya nje (export) hufanyika sana nchini India.

Kijana huyu Hussein alipanda ndani ya basi dogo aina ya coster maeneo ya mbezi Louis mkononi akiwa amebeba vifuko vidogo vidogo vya korosho. Kijana huyu alikuja moja kwa moja kuketi pembezoni mwa kiti nilipoketi mimi. Nikaguswa moyoni mwangu kumsemesha na baadaye tukaanza kuongelea biashara yake ndogo ya uchuuzi wa korosho.

Mimi nilidhani kuwa kijana huyo anarejea nyumbani kwake baada ya shughuli zake kumbe ndio kwanza alikuwa anaanza shughuli yake ya uchuuzi wa korosho. Akanieleza kuwa wauza korosho wote mabarabarani wanavikundi vyao, na pia hupata mikopo kutokana na kuwepo katika vikundi hivyo.

Kwa siku Hussein huuza mifuko angalau 20 kila mmoja wenye thamani ya shilingi 1,000.  Wakati mwingine huuza mifuko yenye korosho za thamani ya shilingi 500, 2,000 na 5,000.

Soko hutegemea mitaa atakayozunguka siku hiyo na idadi ya wateja atakaokutana nao. Pia soko hutegemea idadi ya mifuko ambayo yeye mwenyewe huiandaa kila siku. Kazi hii ni nzuri isipokuwa humlazimisha muuzaji kutembea umbali mrefu akitafuta angalau shilingi 20,000 kwa siku.  

Hussein anapata kipato, shuguli yake huenda haivunji baadhi ya sheria, lakini natilia shaka endapo kazi hii ni ya staha kwa kuwa kijana huyu hutembea umbali mrefu hasa nyakati za jioni na usiku jambo ambalo ni hatari kwa usalama wake. Naye alikiri kuwa sio salama sana kutembea usiku.  

Jambo lililoushangaza moyo wangu ni pale kijana huyo aliponieleza kuwa kwa biashara hiyo ya uchuuzi aliyoanza tangu mwaka 2000 ameweza kujenga nyumba ya vyumba vitano huko maeneo ya visiga Kibaha.

Kipindi nakutana na huyu kijana alikuwa amepanga kushuka kituo cha Kona Kimara kisha kuanza kutembeza vifuko vya korosho kuanzia kituo hicho mpaka mbezi mwisho. Akanieleza kuwa wakati mwingine huanzia mwenge, ubungo na kuendelea kutembea mpaka mbezi mwisho ambapo hupanda basi na kurejea kwake Visiga, Kibaha.

Eneo ambalo kijana huyu hufanyia shughuli yake ni jimbo la ubungo na wilaya ya kinondoni ambapo kuna Mbunge na mkuu wa wilaya na madiwani. Eneo ambalo kijana huyo anaishi ni Kibaha ambapo pia ni wilaya na jimbo. Visiga ambapo ndiko yalipo makazi yake pia kuna viongozi wa serikali za kata na mtaa pia.

Maswali baada ya kukutana na kijana huyo yakawa ni kiwango gani viongozi wa maeneo yote niliyotaja hapo juu wanawafahamu watu wao. Mfano huyu kijana anawakilisha wachuuzi wa vitu vya barabarani (sekta isiyo rasmi), kuna vijana wanaojihusisha na biashara ndogondogo kama mama ntilie, kuchoma chipsi, wauza matunda, wanafuzi, waalimu, na wengineo katika makundi mengine. Je mfano mwenyekiti wa serikali za mtaa na wajumbe wake wanafamu idadi ya vijana mtaani kwao wenye kufanya shughuli kama hizo?

Ni kwa kiwango gani kiongozi anawajibika kushuka ngazi ya chini na kujua endapo watu anaowaongoza, mathalani wanafunzi, wanakumbwa na adha zipi katika kufanikisha masomo yao. Waalimu, je wanafanikishaje wajibu wao wa kujenga taaluma katika eneo lako.

Ni kwa kiwango gani viongozi wanaachilia mbali kurejea ripoti za vitabu na rejea mbali mbali na kutenga muda wa kushuka chini kuwafahamu watu wao kwa undani? Kiwango cha kiongozi kufahamu watu wake ndio kiwango chake cha uongozi aliokuwa nao.

Ukiwa kiongozi ukaishia kufahamu mambo yaliyomo vitabuni pekee na kwenye ripoti pekee unawezaje kufanya uhakiki (reconcile) wa ripoti hizo kama sio juhudi binafsi kuwafamu wako wako na kujua endapo ripoti hizo zinawasilisha hali halisi?

Hasara ya kuishia katika rejea za vitabuni, na ripoti nyingine kuhusu maisha ya raia wa eneo husika inaweza kujenga utamaduni wa kuweka mipango na sera kulingana na ripoti hizo jambo linaweza lisiwe na tija endapo hali halisi ni tofauti. Na matokeo (results) au mafanikio ya mipango hiyo ama yawe kidogo sana ama yasiwepo kabisa.  

Hasara nyingine itokanayo na rejea za vitabuni na ripoti za wataalamu ni ubunifu wa sera ambazo hazijawahi kujaribiwa kabla ya kutekelezwa kwa kuwa viongozi hawapati nafasi binafsi ya kuwafahamu watu wao. Simaanishi kuwa ripoti za wataalamu sio halisi ama usahihi wake unatiliwa mashaka, la hasha. Ninachosisitiza ni uwezo wa kiongozi kuwafahamu watu wake kwa utashi wake binafsi.

Tanzania kama nchi imekuwa mhanga wa sera za namna hii (sera za jumla jumla). Wataalamu wanapewa pesa kufanya utafiti na ripoti zao mara nyingi huchambua mambo kwa jumla jumla. Ujumla huu unaweza kusaidia kujua ni eneo lipi la kuanzia kulifanyia kazi kwa reja reja. Hatua inayofuata ni kiongozi kushuka chini ngazi ya kuwafahamu watu wake kwa ureja reja (specific intervention).

Sababu nyingine kwa nini Tanzania imekuwa mhanga wa sera za jumla jumla ni kwa sababu ya kuyachukulia mambo kwa ujumla wake tangu awali. Athari ya sera hizi ni kutokuwa na kasi kubwa ya mabadiliko kwa kuwa mbinu ya kuleta mabadiliko huwa ile ya jumla jumla badala ya reja reja (specific transformation) kwa kuwa taarifa za awali huletwa jumla jumla na viongozi hupata uvivu wa kumeng’enya taarifa ziwe reja reja (specific issues)  

Kasi kubwa ya mabadiliko itakuwepo endapo kila kiongozi atawafahamu watu wake kwa undani na kushambulia kiini cha matatizo yao kwa mbinu ya urejereja (specific strategy of problem solving). Kwa mfumo wa viongozi tulionao ni muhimu kufahamu jambo moja moja kwa kina na kuepuka kuchukulia mambo kwa jumla jumla. Mtazamo huu utabadilisha kasi ya mabadiliko yetu kwa kuwa uwezo wa viongozi utaongezeka kwa kuwa kila kiongozi atakuwa anawafahamu watu wake kwa undani. 

The Position of Youth in the new Constitutional Process and our view into the post- new constitution agenda

By Frederick Fussi

A progressing nation ever since the creation of humankind required a clear positioning of its young population in order to guarantee the future of that nation.

The youth of Tanzania, as a fast growing young population constituting more than 35 per cent of the whole population, has an active role to play in the on-going process of writing the new Constitution.

Before venturing into what should be the young people’s position in the process of writing the new Constitution, the youth themselves should be made aware of their position.

The point is that the fact that the current young population and the next one will face the impact of this new Constitution, their participation is a prime opportunity for them to shape their future.

The position of the youth should take two forms if at all the aim is to shape the future. The first is: how best the youth should unite to shape the future without compromising the agenda for national building, and secondly, what form the post-constitutional agenda be, that will keep the youth focused, solidified and keen to see the shaped future is a reality.

The first aspect is tackled in summary form in this article, while the second one will hinge on what should be considered the view of the youth on the post-constitutional agenda that is connected to a fair distribution of our scarce resources.

On April 3, we witnessed the process of nominating representatives at the grassroots level, who will be representing fellow citizens from their localities in constitutional councils. These will be grassroots platforms responsible for scrutinising the first draft of the new Constitution.

According to an analysis conducted by a youth-led organisation, Tanzania Youth Vision Association (TYVA), based on guidelines of the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC), elected youth representatives from Tanzania Mainland were 3,429 (Tanzania Mainland 3,249 and Dar es Salaam 180) which is equal to 19 per cent of all representatives with the composition of elderly people, women, the youth and other people totaling 18,169 with Councillors altogether.In Zanzibar, elected youth representatives were 335, which is equal to 28 per cent of all representatives including Councillors.

The number and the percentage of youth representatives do not matter; rather, what matters more is how best the youth should turn their voice into a strong tool; to amplify the voice, and position their common agenda within a context of a united bloc rather than disjointed units, whatever percentage of their representation.

The 19-per cent and 27-per cent of the youth from streets and wards as well as shehia of Tanzania Mainland and Zanzibar respectively will be representatives of the youth in the constitutional councils regulated by the CRC although there is also an opportunity for other youth to become united through youth-led NGOs.

But the question remains: what should be the common unifying perspective shaping views of the youth as they sit to scrutiny the first draft of the new constitution?

TYVA for the past two years (2011 and 2012) had coordinated a project known as “Ijue Katiba” (Understand your Constitution). It collected views of the youth from Arusha, Dodoma, Mwanza, Iringa, Kilimanjaro, Zanzibar and Dar es Salaam on the new Constitution and successfully presented them before the CRC at Karimjee Hall in Dar es Salaam on January 9 this year.

From the views of the youth presented before the CRC, TYVA has discovered a gap on what should be the youth’s position on the critical need for a unifying perspective that incorporates all views and make them focused for the future.

Having participated in the project generated by TYVA, with the experience of the same in the past two years, I have an obligation to propose the way forward on the unifying perspective that must help the youth understand what they stand for and why they should stand for it and for whose interest.

This will be the beginning of youth positioning themselves in the process and carrying forward their common agenda in the post-new Constitution era.

The unifying perspective that should bring all the youth together as we scrutiny the first draft of the new Constitution is to have an understanding that the new Constitution is an instrument that will be used by all Tanzanians to fairly regulate the distribution of their scarce resources among all people of the country without making some far better off than others.

Scare resources in this context should mean anything valuable given by nature that involves costs in obtaining them. We measure the value of scarce resources based on how hard its accessibility is.

For instance, money is not easily accessible and is thus a scarce resource. Therefore, the distribution of the treasure of Tanzania vested in scarce natural resources like mineral deposits, water, gas, oil and others should be translated into monetary value.

The Constitution as an instrument should direct the legislature, the executive and the judiciary to fairly distribute them among the people without making some better off and others worse off.

In the future, we can further deliberate on how the Constitution should be treated by the youth as an instrument of fair distribution of scarce resources among all Tanzanians without making some better off and others worse off.

The successful take off of this unifying perspective among the youth will give birth to the post-new Constitution agenda where the youth will live and aspire to see that the agenda of the future shaped by themselves come into a reality.

This article was also published in the most read news paper in Tanzania, The Citizen on Sunday 13 April 2013 with a title fair distribution of wealth a major concern for the youth.Click here to view it.

Peace prevails where rights are observed

By Frederick Fussi

Election fraud, which is as old as democracy itself, comes in many forms and so do efforts to curb them.

Empirical evidence dating back to Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King’s era shows that nonviolent resistance is among effective means of rooting out injustice.

Nonviolent techniques applied elsewhere have proved to be an ultimate solution for not only election fraud, but also other belated basic rights where other means have failed.

Police  allegedly hitting an innocent journalist Mwangosi

One local politician concluded recently, albeit not officially, that this country’s cherished ‘peace and tranquility are the fruit of rights’. Wherever basic rights are denied, according to him, peace never prevails.

The existing peace and tranquility in this country reflects how people voted in power were accountable to the electorate and provide basic rights.

The growing nonviolent protests and disregard for law is evidence that leaders infringe on the rights of the people.

Those in power appear arrogant, as they enjoy benefits that come with the posts including lucrative salaries, allowances, gratuity and health insurance.

They forget their obligation to meet demands of other people including civil servants with peanut monthly wages which are not guaranteed.

This was the case during the Tsar Nicholas’ absolute reign in Russia between 1901 and 1951 when the regime denied industrial labourers of their rightful wages.

Workers from different factories in Russia, for instance, enlisted their demands in May 1903 including increased the eight-hour day wage, maternity leave and the freedoms of speech and assembly.

The demands for improved perks among medical doctors and teachers lead analysts to wonder if the government accords due priority to the two professions which directly deal with the human life.

Save for Tanzania where allocations for the sector kept on dwindling year after year, increasing health and education budgets is an obligation elsewhere.

Public declining spending on health and education in recent years has been rapidly declined, according to Policy Forum and Hakielimu.

Funds allocated for the two key sectors had decreased from 20 per cent to 17 per cent of the national Budget during the 2008/09 fiscal year.

Going by the national Budget trend in the last five years, the health and education sectors’ estimates will keep on nose diving each year.

Massive failures in the results of last year’s Form Four national examinations reflect ignored rights of students and teachers. Over 65 per cent of the finalists failed the examinations.

As a song of a renowned artiste Mbaraka Mwenshehe says ‘money is a heart’s lubricant’, a Member of Parliament taking home about Sh2 million a month at the moment should be more satisfied and have a peace mind than a teacher posted in the rural areas.

Field Force Unit ready for anti-riot mission

Although the teachers’ attempt to strike was foiled last year, they somehow managed through their nonviolent approach to express their lack of peace of mind resulting from meagre wages and belated payment of their allowances.

When the government uses what it terms as ‘reasonable power’ to tame nonviolent boycotts and demonstrations against civil servants, it also spoils the morale at workplaces and sets the mood for violence to break out.

The best way for the government to quell nonviolent conflicts involving teachers, health workers and students would be employing diplomacy instead of force.

As long as the rights delayed are the rights denied, the lasting solution for nonviolent conflicts would be meeting the civil servants’ realistic and achievable demands.

This article was also published in the most read news paper in Tanzania, The Citizen on Wednesday  6 March 2013. Click here to view it

Let’s get our ethics right first, then we’ll talk about Katiba

By Frederick Fussi

Chairperson of the Commission for New Constitution Judge. J.Warioba

Dar es Salaam. 

A leading scholarly and political argument as to why Tanzanians need a new Constitution is that, when the current Mother Law was created, most people did not participate in the process of writing it. The perspective of people’s participation has dominated most debates.

The need for a new Mother Law and the leading argument for its discourse ended up demanding massive people’s participation in the process. Democratically, this is correct. However, technically this view is wrong.

It is wrong because the weakness of lack of popular people’s participation cannot override the issue of shortfalls in the Mother Law itself, particularly in the area of autonomous power of the president to make decisions like appointment of key officials such as the Controller and Auditor General (CAG) and Commissioner of Public Leadership Ethics Secretariat.

A Tanzanian Citizen

 For democratic purposes, it’s appropriate and relevant to have a new Constitution that provides fundamental guidelines for governing the country’s affairs. The new Constitution should guarantee an independent electoral commission that would oversee free and fair elections, among other things.

The pressing issue of ethics in public leadership is crucial for a democratic country. Tanzania should have ensured an effective framework for public leadership ethics before embarking on the exercise of writing a new Constitution.

What is being done now is  vice versa, we have started with the new Constitution and nothing substantial has been done yet on adopting public leadership ethics.

This raises doubts whether the new Constitution will work effectively because good governance is crucial to effectiveness of any law.

A constitution is merely a law, while ethics go beyond the premise of legislation. You may have very good laws, but lack of appropriate personal values can be a problem in putting statutes to effect. I will give an example on compliance with laws versus a person who observes ethics and a person who doesn’t.

Complying with the law is not a matter of the law itself; it’s a matter of an official responsibly observing ethics by upholding principles of natural justice.

Unethical individual would not comply with laws. For instance, procurement in a municipal council would end up unjustly benefiting officials who oversee the tendering process.

In his 2010 annual report of financial statements by local government authorities, the CAG commented, “My general statement is that, the status of compliance with the Public Procurement Legislations learned from the transactions tested as part of my audits is still not satisfactory as far as the legal requirements are concerned.”

Therefore, compliance with laws requires ethical people. The magnitude and impact of our unethical problem has been widely realised that’s why there is an urgent need to address it in the new Constitution. 

In a recent study done by Twaweza, it was reported that in Dar es Salaam, one out of five residents pay bribes when seeking healthcare services in public facilities.

Soliciting or receiving bribes has become common among Tanzanians. This unethical tendency is one of the national catastrophes, yet it doesn’t feature among serious matters in most debates in the process of making the new Constitution. 

In its 2012 East Africa Bribery Index, Transparency International (TI) identified ten prominent service rendering sectors which are leading in bribery.

The sectors include, police, judiciary, city and local councils, land services, medical services, regional administration, educational institutions, registry and licensing services, utilities (water, electricity and postal services), and tax services.

The police and the judiciary ranked as the most bribery institutions in the country. However, it is important to highlight that the Police Force score was almost twice as much higher than that of the Judiciary.

This article was also published in the most read news paper in Tanzania, The Citizen on Sunday 3 march 2013. Click here to view it

The author is the executive secretary of Tanzania Youth Vision Association [TYVA].

Successful Nonviolent Conflict can protect voter’s votes during elections!

Sealing the ballot can to protect fraud

By Frederick Fussi.

Votes are normally used to put our leaders on power, for members of parliament to acquire parliamentary seats and the head of state and government to acquire his statesmanship seat in the state house. This process ought to be free and fair but there are some circumstances that lead the incumbent politicians of the so said seats to manipulate the voice of votes and immorally plots on distorting the results of the votes intended to put in power accountable and responsible leaders.

The manipulation of votes to distort the genuine results is what pushed me to write my experience and other oberseved experience on how nonviolent conflict worked to protect the voter’s votes in some constituencies during the 2010 General Elections in Tanzania.

Nonviolent conflict can be understood in various dimensions and circumstances in which it is aimed to be applied upon. For this case the nonviolent concept will be drawn from the definition provided by International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). Thus nonviolent conflict is defined as a powerful way for people to fight for their rights, freedom, justice, self-determination and accountable government.

Voters protesting for results in a nonviolent conflict way

For this case, on protecting the votes we can view the nonviolent conflict as a powerful way that had worked immensely during the 2010 General Election more than any other times of multi-party democracy in Tanzania. For instance in constituencies like Ubungo, Ilemela, Nyamagana,  Kahama, Arusha, Busanda and Tarime, voters decided to wage a nonviolent struggle to protect their votes against manipulations from the allegedly puppets of the ruling party and in some instances allegedly traitors of democracy within the electoral administration in Tanzania. (Refer to the news of the Citizen, on Tuesday, 02 November 2010 with a title, “Chaos reign as NEC delay poll results”)

The so called, chaos of elections are results of unreasonable use of excessive power by the state cohesive apparatus mostly uses police to intimidate the intension of voters to protect their votes against manipulations, and consequently distort the intension which primarily and genuinely is aimed to be nonviolent but ends in chaos as the state interfere with a weak argument of ensuring peace and order but surprisingly the nonviolent strategy normally co-exist within peace and order, and this had been observed not only in Tanzania but even other parts of the world!

The magnitude of the nonviolent conflict over protection of the votes had not been the same as compared to elections in 1995, 2000 and 2005 were few parliamentary seats were won by the opposition as the result of failure to wage a successful nonviolent conflict to protect the votes.

It has been observed that at all constituencies where the opposition won the parliamentary seats excessive voters nonviolent conflict occurred. Perhaps, this is right strategy that if well prepared, planned, organized and effectively practiced during elections can be used by opposition to acquire even the post of head of the state and government if at all it has proven success to acquire more parliamentary seats. At areas where nonviolent conflict on protecting votes was not applied the opposition did not win as well.

This is a sign and manifestation of the fact that there are great injustices done over the people’s rights to choose their preferred leaders, thus an agenda for free and fair election can bring together a powerful nonviolent struggle that can widely and countrywide promote true democracy.

Based on the experience of opposition won constituencies at the 2010 General Elections, as we advocate for voters solidarity to protect their rights and obtain justice for the true free and fair election, a nonviolent conflict is the only solution and a right time strategy ahead to bring hope of peaceful power exchange in Tanzania. This is possible and it can be done, play your role as a responsible citizen.

This article was also published by the CITIZEN ON SUNDAY on 17 Feb 2013, Click here to view it

Msingi wa hoja ya Zito katika urejeshwaji wa Mabilioni ya Uswisi na hatua za awali za kichunguzi (Pre-Investigation)

Na Frederick Fussi

Kitabu Kinachoelezea Wezi wa  fedha na Mali
zilizoibiwa na kufichwa nchi za nje

Miezi ya hivi karibuni ndugu Zito Kabwe akiwa kama mbunge na mkereketwa wa masuala ya rushwa aliibua hoja ya ureshwaji ya mabilioni ya Uswisi ambayo taarifa za awali za kichunguzi zinaonesha kuwa mabilioni hayo yalipatikana kwa njia zisizo halali ikiwamo kula rushwa katika upitishwaji wa zabuni serekalini na kuingia mikataba na wawekezaji kutoka nje ya nchi.

Kufahamu jambo hili kwa kina unaweza kurejea hoja binafsi ya Zito Kabwe aliyoiwasilisha bungeni tarehe 8 Novemba 2012 akitaka bunge liunde Kamati maalumu ya uchunguzi ili iweze kubaini nani wanaomiliki mabilioni yaliyofichwa katika mabenki nchini Uswisi na visiwa vingine kama New Jersey na nchi za Uingereza, Ufaransa na kwingineko.

Ikumbukwe kuwa suala la urejeshwaji wa mabilioni ya Uswisi ama kwa Kitaalamu linavyojulikana kama (Asset Recovery) ni jambo geni hapa nchini Tanzania. Hivyo linahitaji mjadala mpana wa kitaalamu ili kusaidia umma wa Watanzania kulifahamu kwa undani na kwa wepesi zaidi.

Msingi wa hoja ya Zito pale bungeni ilikuwa ni kulitumia bunge ambalo ni chombo cha wawakilishi kisheria kulitaka kufanya maamuzi ya kuunda kamati maalumu ya Bunge itakayofanya uchunguzi na na hatimaye Bunge kuielekeza serikali kuchukua hatua dhidi ya raia wa Tanzania walioficha fedha na mali haramu nje ya nchi.

Tunapofikia hatua bunge linatumika na kuombwa kuunda chombo cha kufanya uchunguzi inadhihirishwa kuwa mifumo ya kiserikali ya kufanya uchunguzi dhidi ya rushwa ina dosari, au haiminiki, ama haitimizi majukumu yake, ama haina uwezo (lack of capacity) wa kulifuatilia suala hili ama taasisi hizo zinaingiliwa uhuru wake na serikali ama serikali yenyewe kuwa ujumla imekosa utashi wa kisiasa (Political will) kutaka fedha hizo zirejeshwe. Ukweli huu unatokana na majibu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali bungeni baada ya Zito kumaliza kuwasilisha hoja yake. Kufahamu undani wa majibu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa serikali fuatilia taarifa za majadiliano ya bunge (Hansard) ya mkutano wa tisa-kikao cha nane kilichofanyika tarehe 8  na 9 Novemba 2012.

Katika sehemu ya majibu ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa serikali alitoa taarifa juu ya hatua zilizochukuliwa na serikali kutaka kupata majina ya raia wa Tanzania walioficha fedha nchini Uswisi huku akitumia udhaifu wa sheria ya Uswisi kuonesha kuwa serikali ya Tanzania iliishia hapo na baada ya kuzipatia taarifa hizo alizipeleka kwenye taasisi za ndani za kichunguzi ikiwemo TAKUKURU na Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) ya Tanzania. Udhaifu wa kisheria uliotumiwa na mwanasheria mkuu wa Serikali ni pale alipokuwa akinukuu sheria ya Uswisi akisema “Tukaambiwa mamlaka ile inayofanana na yangu haiwezi kuruhusu uvuaji yaani fishing ya taarifa hizo kwa sababu hilo ni jambo ambalo linahusu nchi nyingine hatuwezi kuwapeleka gerezani”. Aidha inatambulika kuwa majibu kama haya aliyopewa Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali ya Tanzania pia yamewahi kutolewa kwa nchi nyingine kama Nigeria na Ufilipino ambazo kwa kuwa wao hakujali majibu hayo ya serikali ya Uswisi na waliamua kufanya uchunguzi wa kina kupitia taarifa zao za awali kama hizi zilizoibuliwa na Zito na hatimaye fedha zilizoibiwa zilirejeshwa kwao. Mfano Ufilipino ilifanikiwa kurejesha Dola za kimarekani milioni 684 mwaka 2003 zilizoficha nchini Uswisi na aliyewahi kuwa Rais wa Ufilipino Ndugu Ferdinand Marcos na Nigeria ilifanikiwa kurejesha Dola za Kimarekani milioni 700 ambazo ni sehemu tu ya Dola Bilioni 4 zilizofichwa nje ya nchi na aliyewahi kuwa Rais wa Nigeria, ndugu Sani Abacha.

Sehemu ya hoja ya Zito inatoa taarifa kuwa jumla ya Dola za Kimarekani Milioni 192 ambazo ni sawa na zaidi ya bilioni 314 za Kitanzania ambazo zinasadikiwa kupatikana kwa njia za rushwa zimefichwa na raia wa Tanzania katika mabenki nchini Uswisi.  

Hoja hiyo imesheheni taarifa nyingi za kichunguzi za awali ikiwa ni pamoja na uhusiano kati ya pesa hizo na zabuni zilizowahi kufanywa na serikali kati ya mwaka 2003 na 2008 ambapo inasadikiwa kuwa wanasiasa na watendaji wa serikali “Political Exposed Personalities” walioitumikia serikali katika kipindi hicho walionekana kutunza mabilioni katika akaunti zao nje ya nchi. Uchunguzi wa pesa hizo ndio njia pekee ya kutambua kuwa pesa hizo ni halali ama si halali na baadaye kufanikisha kuzirudisha nchini ili zitumike kwa manufaa ya kijamii.

Urejeshwaji wa fedha haramu na mali za Watanzania zilizopatikana kwa njia za rushwa hauwezi kufanikiwa pasipo kufanyika uchunguzi wa kina ili kubaini Watanzania wenye pesa halali zilizofichwa katika mabenki nje ya nchi na wale wasiokuwa na pesa halali ambazo kimsingi ziliibwa kwa njia ya kupokea rushwa na  wanasiasa na watendaji wa serikali.

Hatua tuliyopo sasa ni hatua za uchunguzi wa awali. Uchunguzi wa awali uliofanywa mpaka sasa haujafanywa na serikali bali umefanywa na watu binafsi (Private Individuals) wenye kuitakia mema Tanzania. Hoja hii ni hoja ya Kitaifa na inapaswa kupewa msukumo wa kitaifa kwa wadau wengine amabao sio sehemu ya serikali (Non state actors).

Non state actors hasa asasi za kirai zinapaswa kuunganisha nguvu ili kufanikisha hatua za awali za kiuchunguzi na hatimaye kuwaelimisha wananchi juu ya sakata hili na kuinyima serikali usingizi kwa kuendelea kuishawishi na kuisukuma serikali kujiingiza katika hatua zinazofuata ili hatua stahiki zichukuliwe na fedha zilizoibiwa(Stollen Assets) zirejeshwe nchini. Kwa kuwa serikali inayosubiri wananchi waipelekee majina ya Watanzania walioficha mabilioni katika mabenki nje ya nchi ni serikali isiyoonesha nia ya dhati ya kupambana na rushwa na ufisadi hivyo inapaswa kuamshwa usingizini na kuendelea kuinyima usingizi kila inapoonesha dalili za kulala tena katika suala hili.

Bunge kwa namna yake limehusika katika sakata hili la urejeshwaji wa hayo mabilioni. Bunge lilitoa maazimio kuwa serikali ilishughulikie suala hilo kwa njia zake. Hivyo bunge limejitoa kabisa katika sakati hili wakati ambapo Serikali haioneshi utashi wa kisiasa katika kufanikisha hatua za awali za kichunguzi ili kusaidia pesa hizo zirejeshwe.  Serikali inafanya hivi kwa kuweka usiri katika shughuli zake za kiuchunguzi lakini imejitega kwa ahadi ya Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali kutoa taarifa za uchunguzi huo katika Mkutano wa Kumi na moja.

Ikumbukwe kuwa katika hoja hii Watanzania hawataki tu urejeshwaji wa fedha za Uswisi bali kuna fedha katika nchi nyingine kama Uingereza, Ufaransa, visiwa vya New Jersey, Dubai na kwingineko ambako fedha zinazosadikiwa kupatikana kwa njia za rushwa zimefichwa na raia wa Tanzania wengi wao wakiaminika kuwa wanasiasa waandamizi na watendaji wa Serikali kuanzia mwaka 2003 mpaka 2010. 

Hivyo basi uchunguzi ndio njia pekee ya kufanikisha kubaini na kurejesha mabilioni yote yalioibiwa na viongozi wa Kisiasa na watendaji wa Serikali. Lakini hata hivyo bado tupo katika hatua za uchunguzi wa awali  ambao hufanikishwa na watoa taarifa mbalimbali za masuala ya inteligensia ya fedha (Financial Intelligence) na kujengewa hoja chokonozi na wachambuzi wa masuala kama tunavyofanya hapa. Hatua hii ni muhimu sana hasa katika kujenga uelewa kwa umma na kwa serikali kuwa kuwa jambo hili la mchakato wa kurejesha “Stollen Assets” ni jambo jipya nchini.

Taasisi ya nchini Uswisi, Besel Institute on Governance kupitia kituo chake cha urejeshaji wa fedha zilizoibiwa(International Centre for Asset Recovery) inatoa msaada wa kujenga uwezo na kutoa elimu zaidi juu ya hatua kwa hatua mpaka kufanikisha urejeshaji wa fedha zilizoibiwa. Kwa mujibu wa taasisi hiyo ambayo ina uzoefu na wataalamu waliobobea katika fani ya urejeshaji wa pesa zilizoibiwa inaelezea hatua zaidi za kufuatwa ilikiwa ni pamoja na uchunguzi wa awali (Pre-Investigation), Uchunguzi wenyewe (Investigation), Kupeleka kesi mahakamani ili haki ipatikane(Prosecution) na mwisho urejeshwaji wa fedha zilizoibiwa (Repatriation of stolen Assets).

Hatua tuliyopo sisi hapa nchini petu Tanzania ni hatua ya kwanza kabisa ambayo ni ya uchunguzi wa awali. Uchunguzi huu mara nyingi haufanywi na serikali bali hufanywa na raia wenye kukereketwa na ufisadi, wizi wa mali za umma, dhuluma na wasiopenda utawala wa rushwa. Mpaka sasa hatua hii hatujaifanyia haki kwa kuwa watu binafsi (Individuals) na asasi za kiraia hawajajikita katika kutaka kulifahamu suala hili kwa undani, kulifanyia uchambuzi na uchunguzi vilevile ili kuendelea kujenga hoja zitakazoilazimisha serikali kuingia yenyewe pasipo kutarajia katika hatua ya pili za zote zinazofuata.

Hatua hii ya awali ya uchunguzi inahitaji mshikamano wa kudumu (Sustainable Initiative) ili kuhamia (transition) katika hatua zinazofuata. Hatua hii inahusisha pia kutambua majina ya raia wa Tanzania wenye akaunti zinazotunza mabilioni nje ya nchi. Pia inahusishwa ukusanyaji wa taarifa za fedha za kiintelijensia (intelligence gathering). Ukusanyaji wa taarifa hizi utasaidia waandishi wa habari na wachambuzi wa masuala kuandika makala na habari za kichunguzi za kutosha na hatimaye kutengeneza chanzo huru cha taarifa (Open source database). Hili likifanikiwa serikali itake isitake italazimika kuingia yenyewe katika hatua zinazofuata pamoja na kuwa inadai kuwa imeshaanza uchunguzi wake.  Katika makala ijayo tutachambua kwa kina hatua zinazofuata.

After 3rd GYAC Forum and 15th IACC: Localizing connected efforts for agents of change to end corruption at grass root level in Tanzania

The 3^rd GYAC Forum in Brasilia, Brazil which was attended by more than 100 youth from 49 countries in the world was an amazing platform for me to supplement the work done back at home against corruption through the ripotirushwa project. The WBI CAP support to ripotirushwa had been a cornerstone to enable our grass root efforts to fight corruption in public health facilities in Dar es Salaam.

Frederick speaking at the 3rd GYAC Forum

Lawrence, Dumisani, Frederick & a Brazilian friend

We have set a very strong infrastructure of ICT to enable citizen to report corruption as they access public health facilities. The infrastructure gives us more strength to re-organize ourselves to fight the increased corruption in Tanzania public health. With a recent issued study by twaweza it is estimated that one out five residents of Dar es Salaam pay bribe when they access public health facilities. Yet very few of them report (about 11 percent as per East Africa Bribery Index, 2012) to anti-corruption authorities in the country where most of them believe that even if they report nothing will be done to work on their reported corruption incidents.

The Global Coordinating Body of GYAC in a panel

With regard to my participation in the 3^rd GYAC Forum and later the 15^th IACC I realized that corruption fighters all over the world use various strategies to fight corruption and over time gain successful results. Our project www.ripotirushwa.or.tz got challenged especially over its strategies that engage grass root citizen to end corruption. One of the challenges that were obtained from the 3^rd GYAC breakout sessions on African region is that, we need to work on changing the mind-set of some people in Africa and Tanzania in particular who believe bribery or corruption is way of life in Africa and nothing could change it.

Participants in the 15th IACC

The 3^rd GYAC Forum in Brasilia had opened up another chapter for www.ripotirushwa.or.tz  to adopt new strategies acquired from the forum to localize the connected efforts and fight corruption with a view of educating, raising awareness and engage more civilian actors to fight petty corruption at grass root level in Dar es Salaam and Tanzania in particular.

At the 3^rd GYAC Forum I met an anti-corruption youth expert from Zimbabwe, Dumisani who was inspired with the work done by www.ripotirushwa.or.tz He promised to take a similar initiative back in Zimbabwe and extend his efforts learning more from our project to make his more effective. This was one of the success stories that keep our work awakening to work hard as we are determined to be inspirational role models for other anti-corruption youth activist across the world. 

The 15^th IACC with its more than 1,900 participants from all over the world had created our www.ripotirushwa.or.tz  project a wide useful network of similar actors who uses ICT to curb corruption in the world. A good example is the www.theengineroom.org contact person, Sussanah Vila and many more others. 

Frederick & Peter Eigen at the 15th IACC

Lawrence & Frederick at 15th IACC

Having met the brain behind Transparency International (TI) Peter Eigen at the 15^th IACC had brought not only we who participated but the whole GYAC Network to other opportunities on enhancing our knowledge and skills on governance and transparency. All these opportunities with my view have to be localized in order to bring the change we want to see at grass root. After the 3^rd GYAC Forum and the 15^th IACC we are looking forward to prepare a short workshop as the follow up activity to share the lesson learnt as we localizing our connected efforts to end corruption at grass root level in Tanzania.